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| Bianca Odumegwu-Ojukwu |
The Federal Government of Nigeria has repatriated another 111 of its citizens from South Africa, raising the cumulative total of returnees under the current consular evacuation programme to 2,037. The latest group—comprising 44 men, 23 women and 44 children—arrived in Lagos on South African Airways flight SA060 on Thursday, 8 October 2026. Officials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Nigerians in Diaspora Commission (NiDCOM), the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP), the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) and other agencies received them.
This marked the 15th consular evacuation since the exercise began on 10 June 2026. Of the 2,037 Nigerians brought home so far, the Federal Government fully funded the repatriation of 1,388.
The most recent flight was paid for entirely from a $265,854 donation by the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG), which committed to covering one-way tickets for 500 distressed nationals. With this batch, RCCG support has assisted 318 people, leaving 182 more under the church’s pledge.
In a statement issued on Sunday by Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesperson Oluwafemi Adeniyi, the government thanked RCCG and its General Overseer, Pastor Enoch Adejare Adeboye, for the “generous financial support.” It reaffirmed its commitment to engaging South African authorities and other stakeholders to confront xenophobia and Afrophobia while protecting the welfare and dignity of Nigerians living in the country. Citizens remaining in South Africa were urged to stay vigilant, obey local laws, prioritise safety and maintain contact with the Nigerian High Commission in Pretoria and the Consulate General in Johannesburg. von.gov.ng
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A Crisis That Did Not Begin in 2026
The current wave of voluntary repatriations is only the latest chapter in a long and painful pattern of violence against African migrants in South Africa. Xenophobic attacks have recurred periodically since the end of apartheid. Early incidents in the mid-1990s targeted Mozambicans, Malawians and Zimbabweans in places such as Alexandra township. The deadliest outbreak came in May 2008, when violence that began in Alexandra spread across Gauteng and other provinces, killing at least 62 people and displacing thousands. Further spikes occurred in 2015 and especially in 2019, when coordinated looting and attacks on foreign-owned businesses in Johannesburg and elsewhere prompted retaliatory actions against South African interests in Nigeria and other countries.
Nigerians have frequently been among the most visible targets. Many operate small retail shops, hair salons, restaurants and informal businesses that are concentrated in townships and inner-city areas—precisely the spaces where economic competition and resentment are most intense. Reports over the years have documented killings, assaults, arson and systematic looting directed at Nigerian-owned premises. In 2026 alone, Nigerian diplomatic sources have recorded multiple deaths of nationals in circumstances linked to anti-foreigner hostility or encounters with security forces and vigilante groups.
The latest flare-up that triggered the June 2026 evacuation programme followed months of organised anti-migrant protests led by groups such as Operation Dudula, March and March, and allied formations. These campaigns demanded the removal of undocumented foreigners and the closure or tighter control of asylum processes. A Constitutional Court ruling that eased certain restrictions on asylum applications for irregular migrants appears to have reignited tensions in early October 2026. Protests in Soweto, Durban and Pretoria turned violent: vehicles were set alight (reports cited at least 24 in the two cities), foreign-owned shops were looted, and threats were issued against immigrant shopkeepers, including women and children. groundup.org.za
South African police confirmed arrests and the deployment of riot units, but the underlying drivers remain unresolved. Official unemployment has hovered above 30 percent for years. High levels of poverty, inequality and competition for scarce resources in the informal economy create fertile ground for scapegoating. Foreign nationals—particularly those from other African countries—are frequently blamed for crime, job losses and pressure on public services, even though empirical studies often show more complex economic contributions and that the majority of migrants are not involved in serious crime.
The Nigerian Response: State Action Meets Private Philanthropy
Nigeria’s decision to organise structured, multi-agency evacuations reflects both humanitarian urgency and diplomatic calculation. The programme is voluntary; not every Nigerian in South Africa wishes—or is in a position—to leave. The Nigerian Union in South Africa (NUSA) has repeatedly stressed that many citizens have lived in the country for decades, raised South African-born children, built businesses and integrated into local communities. “It is not possible for all Nigerians to leave South Africa,” NUSA President-General Smart Nwobi has noted, framing the issue as a broader African migrant challenge rather than a solely Nigerian one.
Nevertheless, for those who feel unsafe or have lost livelihoods, the government’s coordinated effort—combining diplomatic clearance, airport reception, and support from NiDCOM, NAPTIP and NEMA—provides a structured exit. The involvement of RCCG is particularly noteworthy. As one of Africa’s largest Pentecostal denominations, with a substantial presence in South Africa, the church’s $265,854 donation and commitment to 500 tickets illustrate the growing role of faith-based organisations in filling gaps left by state capacity or bilateral friction. Pastor Adeboye’s public endorsement and the church’s continued engagement with Nigerian missions on the ground have accelerated the pace of returns.
Deeper Implications for Nigeria–South Africa Relations and African Solidarity
The repeated cycles of violence strain one of the continent’s most important bilateral relationships.
Nigeria and South Africa are Africa’s two largest economies and key players in the African Union.
Past attacks have already produced diplomatic protests, temporary recalls of envoys, and popular boycotts of South African brands in Nigeria.
Persistent Afrophobia—violence directed specifically at other black Africans—undermines the rhetoric of pan-African unity and the practical goals of free movement under the African Continental Free Trade Area and regional protocols.
Analysts point to several structural factors: the incomplete social and economic transformation after apartheid, the politicisation of migration by populist movements, weak enforcement against perpetrators, and the absence of robust regional frameworks for burden-sharing and protection of migrants. South African authorities have condemned violence and deployed police, yet conviction rates for xenophobic crimes remain low and political rhetoric sometimes inflames rather than calms tensions.
For Nigeria, the evacuations carry domestic political weight. Citizens expect their government to protect nationals abroad. The visible partnership with RCCG also highlights how non-state actors can amplify state efforts. At the same time, the scale of returns raises questions about reintegration: many returnees arrive with limited resources after losing businesses or savings, and programmes for psychosocial support, skills re-entry and economic assistance will determine whether the repatriation yields lasting benefit.
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Looking Ahead
More flights are expected. Nigerian missions continue screening additional nationals who have requested assistance, and RCCG’s remaining tickets will cover further groups. The Federal Government has signalled that diplomatic engagement with Pretoria will continue alongside the practical work of bringing people home.
The deeper challenge, however, is structural. As long as high unemployment, inequality and opportunistic political mobilisation persist in South Africa, and as long as African migrants remain convenient targets, the cycle of attack, displacement and emergency repatriation is likely to recur. For the thousands of Nigerians who choose to remain—many of them long-term residents with deep roots—the Nigerian High Commission and Consulate remain the primary points of contact for consular protection. For those returning, the journey home marks the end of one ordeal and the beginning of another: rebuilding lives in a country that, for all its challenges, is still home.
The latest 111 arrivals are more than a statistic. They represent families forced to abandon hopes of a better life, children uprooted mid-education, and small business owners who watched years of work destroyed. Their safe return is a necessary immediate response. Lasting security for African migrants in South Africa will require sustained political will, accountability for violence, and a more honest continental conversation about migration, solidarity and shared prosperity.
Samuel O. Sulaimon is the founder and Editor-in-Chief of Naijapiz. He covers News, Sports, Finance, Faiths, Education, Technology.
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