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| President Bola Tinubu |
A pro-Tinubu socio-political group drawn from Igbo communities has moved to formalise its own campaign infrastructure in the South-East, establishing an independent presidential campaign committee aimed at mobilising support for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s expected re-election bid in 2027. The move underscores a growing recognition within some APC-aligned circles that traditional party structures alone have repeatedly failed to deliver meaningful presidential votes in a region long resistant to the ruling party.
The Ndigbo for Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu 2027 Forum (NDI-ABAT) announced the committee in a statement issued on Thursday by its National Coordinator, Okechukwu Isiguzoro, and Board of Trustees chairman, Uchechukwu Okwukwu. Ambassador Sunday Udeh chairs the new body, with Dr Ugwuoke Ugwuoke Jr serving as secretary.
The group emphasised that the structure is designed to complement, not rival, the official All Progressives Congress Presidential Campaign Council, which Tinubu inaugurated in Abuja earlier in the week and which includes several South-East appointees.
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“Electoral success cannot be achieved through declarations alone. It requires credible political organisation, constructive dialogue, consistent grassroots engagement and demonstrable commitment to the welfare and inclusion of the Southeast within the Nigerian federation,” the statement declared. The forum congratulated the newly appointed South-East members of the official council but urged them to prioritise reversing the APC’s weak showings in the region during the 2015, 2019 and 2023 presidential contests.
A Difficult Electoral Terrain
The South-East has proven one of the most challenging zones for the APC at the presidential level. According to Independent National Electoral Commission figures cited by the group and corroborated in analyses of past results, the party’s presidential vote in the five states (Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu and Imo) stood at roughly 198,000 in 2015 (about 7 percent of the zonal total), rose to approximately 404,000 in 2019 (around 18 percent), and then fell sharply to about 127,000–128,000 in 2023 (roughly 5–6 percent).
In contrast, Labour Party candidate Peter Obi, an Igbo from Anambra, swept the zone in 2023 with nearly 88–89 percent of the votes, securing well over 1.9 million ballots across the five states. Obi’s performance reflected a powerful combination of ethnic affinity, youth mobilisation, and widespread dissatisfaction with the political establishment.
This presidential weakness exists alongside a more mixed picture at the state level. The APC has made inroads by controlling or attracting governors in Imo, Ebonyi and, more recently, Enugu, while infrastructure projects under Works Minister Dave Umahi—himself from Ebonyi—have been frequently highlighted by pro-Tinubu voices as evidence of federal attention. Yet the gap between state-level gains and presidential outcomes remains stark, suggesting that voters in the zone often distinguish between local contests and the national race.
The Group’s Track Record and Ambitions
NDI-ABAT is not a new entrant. Earlier in 2026 the forum announced a partnership with the City Boy Movement associated with Seyi Tinubu, the president’s son, projecting ambitious mobilisation targets and organising events such as town-hall meetings and summits. It has repeatedly floated a “2027 South-East Winning Strategy and Political Blueprint” based on grassroots consultations, analysis of past election data, and attention to the distinct political dynamics of each of the five states rather than treating the zone as a monolithic bloc.
The latest announcement indicates that this blueprint will be presented to President Tinubu or Seyi Tinubu as a possible channel for input into the official campaign. The group has previously argued that political appointments, endorsements and large rally crowds do not automatically convert into votes—a pointed warning given the APC’s history of relying on such optics in the region.
In recent statements, NDI-ABAT has invoked a historical parallel: the 2003 presidential election, in which Olusegun Obasanjo of the PDP swept all five South-East states even though the late Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, a towering Igbo figure, was also on the ballot under a different platform. “If Ndigbo could support Obasanjo against Ojukwu in 2003, why should Tinubu be considered incapable of defeating Peter Obi in the Southeast in 2027?” the group has asked.
That claim remains aspirational. The forum has not released supporting polling data, and the structural and sentimental barriers to an APC presidential breakthrough in the zone are considerable. Obi retains strong residual support, while broader grievances—ranging from perceptions of political marginalisation and the unresolved detention of IPOB leader Nnamdi Kanu to long-standing demands for an additional state and deeper economic inclusion—continue to shape public sentiment. Ohanaeze Ndigbo, the apex Igbo socio-cultural body (with which Isiguzoro has had past factional associations), has separately pressed the Tinubu administration for clearer commitments on infrastructure, political representation, restructuring and reconciliation ahead of 2027.
Beyond Appointments: The Real Test of Engagement
The creation of an independent committee reflects a pragmatic assessment that the official APC machinery has historically struggled to penetrate South-East communities at the ward and polling-unit level. NDI-ABAT’s emphasis on sustained dialogue, local leadership and measurable grassroots work suggests an attempt to move beyond elite deal-making. Whether this approach can overcome deep-seated scepticism will depend less on the existence of another committee and more on tangible delivery: visible infrastructure progress, credible inclusion in national decision-making, and consistent engagement that does not appear only in election seasons.
For Tinubu’s broader national prospects, even modest improvements in the South-East could matter. The zone accounts for a relatively small share of total registered voters, but every additional vote contributes to the overall tally in a potentially competitive race. More importantly, a stronger showing would signal that the APC is capable of expanding its coalition beyond its traditional strongholds—an important political message in a diverse federation.
Critics will note that pro-Tinubu groups in the South-East have made optimistic projections before, including claims of mobilising millions of votes.
Delivery has lagged behind rhetoric. The latest organisational step by NDI-ABAT is therefore best read as an admission of past shortcomings as much as a declaration of future ambition. The real test will come not in statements or blueprints presented to the presidency, but in whether ordinary voters across Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu and Imo ultimately see sufficient reason to reconsider their choices in 2027.
As the campaign season intensifies, the South-East remains both a symbolic and practical challenge for the APC. Groups like NDI-ABAT are attempting to write a different script. History, electoral data and the depth of regional grievances suggest that rewriting it will require far more than additional campaign structures—it will demand the kind of sustained, credible political work that the forum itself now says has been missing.
Samuel O. Sulaimon is the founder and Editor-in-Chief of Naijapiz. He covers News, Sports, Finance, Faiths, Education, Politics and Technology.
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