Lula’s Historic Fourth Term: A Comeback Forged in Polarization, Confronting a Hostile Congress and a Fractured Nation

Lula greets supporters after casting his ballot on Sunday

In a dramatic reversal that defied polls, historical precedent, and a regional rightward surge, Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva secured an unprecedented fourth term on October 25, 2026. 

The 80-year-old leftist leader, who will turn 81 shortly after the vote, defeated Senator Flávio Bolsonaro—the eldest son of former President Jair Bolsonaro—in a tightly contested runoff. 


With nearly all votes counted, Lula captured roughly 51.7–51.8% of valid votes to Flávio’s 48.2–48.3%, a margin of about 4.3–4.4 million votes.


This was no ordinary victory. It marked the first time since Brazil restored direct presidential elections in 1989 that a candidate who finished second in the first round won the runoff. On October 4, Flávio Bolsonaro had led with about 47% to Lula’s 45%, capitalizing on dissatisfaction with the incumbent and the enduring strength of the Bolsonaro brand. Many observers doubted Lula could close the gap in just three weeks. 


Yet a surge in turnout among his base—driven by massive street mobilizations, social media campaigns, and grassroots organizing by the Workers’ Party (PT)—flipped the result. 


Abstention fell from over 21% in the first round to around 19%, with blank and null votes also declining. 


Lula’s win bucks a broader Latin American trend in which voters have punished incumbents and shifted rightward. Countries including Argentina, Chile, and Colombia now have conservative leaders. Brazil, South America’s largest nation and economy with some 213 million people, stands as a notable exception—for now. 


The former metalworker and union leader from São Paulo’s industrial suburbs has dominated the Brazilian left since his first presidential run in 1989. He governed from 2003 to 2010, overseeing social programs that lifted millions from poverty, before returning in 2023 after corruption convictions were annulled. His career is defined by resilience: imprisonment, political exile, and repeated electoral triumphs.


Lula has now won four presidential elections

Yet this fourth term, beginning January 5, 2027, will be his most constrained. Brazil remains profoundly divided. Nearly half the electorate backed Flávio Bolsonaro, reflecting deep polarization over economics, culture, crime, and the legacy of Jair Bolsonaro, who is serving a lengthy prison sentence related to an alleged coup plot after his 2022 defeat. 


Lula has spoken of the election as “a parting of the waters” and promised “a new way of governing” to bridge divides, emphasizing justice, opportunity, and policies focused on the population’s needs. Details remain sparse, and the political arithmetic works against him.

A Congress Tilted Sharply Right

The legislative elections held alongside the first presidential round delivered the most right-wing Congress of Brazil’s democratic era. Flávio Bolsonaro’s Liberal Party (PL) emerged as the biggest winner, securing 121 seats in the 513-member Chamber of Deputies—up from around 97–98 previously—and the largest single-party caucus since redemocratization. In the Senate, the PL is projected to hold 28 of 81 seats, a commanding presence. Broader right-leaning forces control a clear majority in both houses; one analysis put the right at roughly 59% of Chamber seats. The PT-led federation grew modestly to around 88 seats in the lower house, but the gap with the PL widened.


Lula will need constant negotiation, deal-making, and coalition-building to pass legislation or confirm nominees. Past terms saw him navigate Brazil’s fragmented multiparty system through alliances, but the current right’s strength—fueled by agribusiness, evangelicals, and security-focused voters—raises the risk of gridlock or diluted priorities. Analysts note that many new PL deputies are experienced politicians who switched parties, consolidating conservative power rather than injecting pure outsiders. Governing will test Lula’s legendary political skill at age 81–85 by the term’s end.


Environmental Stakes and the Amazon

Environmentalists greeted the result with relief. Under Jair Bolsonaro (2019–2022), Amazon deforestation surged roughly 60%, with enforcement agencies weakened and rhetoric that critics said encouraged illegal logging, mining, and land clearing. Lula’s third term reversed course: he reinstated the Action Plan for the Prevention and Control of Deforestation, strengthened agencies like IBAMA, and saw rates fall sharply—by more than half overall, reaching a record low of about 3,335 km² in the most recent official year (August 2025–July 2026). Independent analyses credit his policies with preserving at least 20,000 km² of forest compared to a continued Bolsonaro-era trajectory.


Flávio Bolsonaro’s platform raised fears of a return to laxer rules favoring agribusiness and mining. Brazil holds major oil reserves and the world’s second-largest rare-earth deposits, resources that intensify debates over development versus conservation. Continued progress on zero (or near-zero) deforestation targets will require sustained political will amid a Congress where rural interests hold significant sway. The Amazon’s fate carries global climate implications; Lula’s victory preserves a pathway that many scientists and activists view as essential.


An aerial view from a Greenpeace flyover 

Geopolitics: China, the U.S., and Trump’s Shadow

Internationally, the outcome carries weight. The Trump administration has prioritized reducing Chinese influence in the Western Hemisphere and aligning regional leaders on trade, security, and defense. Brazil under Lula has maintained pragmatic ties with Beijing while asserting sovereignty—“Brazil will never fit into anyone’s backyard,” he insisted during the campaign. 


Flávio Bolsonaro promised closer alignment with Washington. Trump did not formally endorse the younger Bolsonaro (unlike some other regional right-wing candidates), but preference was clear; post-election comments from the U.S. president questioned the result by invoking disputed 2020 U.S. election narratives, though Brazilian institutions certified the outcome.


Brazil’s strategic minerals and energy resources make it a prize in great-power competition. Lula’s reelection keeps a more multipolar, independent foreign policy in place, potentially complicating U.S. efforts to consolidate a conservative bloc across Latin America. At the same time, practical cooperation on issues from trade to climate remains possible—and necessary—given the scale of bilateral interests.


Roots of Resilience and the Road Ahead

Lula’s late surge drew on deep reservoirs of support among the working class, the Northeast, and urban progressives who credit his earlier governments with social mobility. Huge rallies and digital mobilization after the first-round setback demonstrated the PT’s enduring organizational strength. 


Flávio Bolsonaro, a 45-year-old senator and evangelical convert, sought to moderate the family brand somewhat while promising continuity on security, traditional values, and economic orthodoxy preferred by business sectors. His near-miss underscores that Bolsonarismo remains a potent force even without Jair on the ballot.


The coming years will test whether Lula can deliver tangible results on poverty, inequality, fiscal sustainability, and public security while managing a hostile legislature and a polarized society. Brazil’s democracy has shown institutional resilience through successive crises, yet the narrowness of this result and the strength of the opposition signal that reconciliation will be difficult. 


Lula has framed the choice as existential for the country’s direction. His fourth term offers continuity on the left’s social and environmental priorities—but success will depend less on electoral magic than on the gritty, daily work of governing a nation still split almost down the middle.


The veteran leader who once said this election would change Brazil forever now faces the harder task of making that change durable amid the constraints he inherits.

About the Author

Samuel O. Sulaimon is the founder and Editor-in-Chief of Naijapiz. He covers Global, News, Sports, Finance, Faiths, Education, Politics and Technology.

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